Marriage equality : could Vietnam be next ?
There is growing momentum in Vietnam to adopt marriage equality. However, traditional societal norms and tighter controls on foreign funding loom.
Despite notable progress in projecting itself as being friendly to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ+) community, Vietnam is not yet ready to follow Thailand in legalising marriage equality. However, the momentum is building. With strategic reframing under the “era of national rise”, LGBTQ+ civil society groups could seize this momentum to push for full marriage equality, assisting Vietnam to garner more economic growth.
Shaped by Confucianism and traditional norms, Vietnam continues to uphold a patrilineal kinship structure, reinforcing gender roles. This is reflected in the Vietnamese Women’s Union — a mass organisation defending the rights and interests of Vietnamese women — which views same-sex marriage as a threat to traditional family ideals. As such, data on the LGBTQ+ population remains limited, with estimates at around 10 per cent of the population. Nonetheless, the local LGBTQ+ movement has made significant strides over the past decades, from the decriminalisation of consensual same-sex sexual activities to gender marker changes in the 2015 Civil Code. In 2022, the Ministry of Health officially affirmed that “homosexuality is not a disease” and banned conversion therapy. Media portrayals have also progressed, with Vietnam International Television (VTV4) airing a Pride Month segment in June 2025 highlighting a same-sex couple’s journey and the country’s evolving drag scene.
Public opinion is catching up, too. The 2024 Viet Nam Provincial Governance and Public Administration Performance Index survey revealed a notable increase in public support for same-sex marriage, from 56 per cent in 2023 to 66.8 per cent in 2024. This growing acceptance is mirrored in the actions of grassroots organisations, namely a viral Facebook post by the Institute for Social, Economic and Environmental Research (iSEE). The post encouraged citizens to join the 2025 public consultation on the Constitution and advocate for gender-neutral language in Article 26 (gender equality) and Article 36 (marriage and family) to include people of diverse sexual orientations and gender identities. Yet, despite these hopeful calls, the National Assembly did not prioritise changes to the two articles, implying continued institutional caution.
The reluctance is not new. In 2012, an iSEE-led coalition worked with the Ministry of Justice (MOJ) to revise the Marriage and Family Law. The effort only led to the removal of the explicit ban on same-sex weddings and cohabitation. Scholars like Pham Quynh Phuong associated this partial victory with the coalition’s identity-based advocacy strategy, which overlooked the broader social and economic inequalities stemming from the lack of legal recognition. By narrowly framing their demands around identity recognition, activists’ lobbying efforts with the MOJ fell short of linking LGBTQ+ rights to broader economic and social justice concerns.
In this context, local advocates have an opportunity to pick up where they left off last time. They should adopt a strategy that aligns with the country’s economic master plan. The “era of national rise” is defined as an era of comprehensive breakthroughs, not only in technology and economy but also in culture, social institutions, and national values. This era aims to position Vietnam as an upper middle-income country by 2030 and a high-income nation by 2045. To achieve these goals, Vietnam must harness both economic policy and social inclusion to unlock its full potential and mobilise the creativity and commitment of its people. Against this backdrop, legalising same-sex marriage lends itself to Vietnam’s national development agenda by addressing social inequality while stimulating economic growth.
Shaped by Confucianism and traditional norms, Vietnam continues to uphold a patrilineal kinship structure, reinforcing gender roles. This is reflected in the Vietnamese Women’s Union— a mass organisation defending the rights and interests of Vietnamese women — which views same-sex marriage as a threat to traditional family ideals.
To effectively reposition marriage equality within the context of national development, local LGBTQ+ NGOs can spotlight a burgeoning economy that is increasingly responsive to the needs and aspirations of LGBTQ+ individuals, particularly couples. Legal recognition of same-sex marriages would provide a stable foundation for queer families, facilitating their full participation in traditionally family-oriented markets, namely wedding planning, homeownership, and long-term financial services. This inclusion could generate an estimated annual GDP growth of 1.65 to 4.36 per cent.
In addition, granting legal marital status to same-sex couples would give them access to associated family- and welfare-related benefits, including pathways to parenthood through adoption, surrogacy, and assisted reproductive technologies. This, in turn, will expand the concept of a good family in Vietnamese society while encouraging more same-sex couples to engage in multigenerational household formation. This provides an innovative response to Vietnam’s declining birthrate — a demographic challenge that directly threatens the country’s economic aspirations under the “era of national rise.”
Beyond the local queer population, Vietnam’s legal recognition of same-sex marriage could attract LGBTQ+ individuals from across the region. It would enhance the country’s attractiveness to skilled LGBTQ+ professionals who may choose to relocate and establish their lives in Vietnam, as evidenced by Taiwan’s experience. In addition, following Thailand’s example, Vietnam is likely to see growth in global tourism and related economic benefits. Embracing marriage equality also furthers Vietnam’s efforts to enhance its global reputation as a forward-thinking country. Such inclusive policies demonstrate the country’s commitment to inclusivity and modernity and support its broader ambition of becoming a globally influential nation under the leadership of the Communist Party.
That said, LGBTQ+ civil society organisations still face obstacles. While LGBTQ+ activism enjoys relatively greater political tolerance, the civic space in Vietnam has shrunk. This is due to the passage of the 2018 Cybersecurity Law, which curtails online expression and tighter controls on foreign funding — a major source for local NGOs. Additionally, the issuance of Decree No. 58/2022/ND-CP, which regulates the registration and management of foreign non-governmental organisations’ activities in Vietnam, has further complicated project approval procedures for NGOs. Another challenge stems from the aforementioned long-standing social norms.
While full legal recognition remains desirable, signs suggest Vietnamese authorities may gradually soften their stance. Tacit support for LGBTQ+ visibility in media and public health, along with an interest in social harmony and economic modernisation, indicate cautious openness to change. Yet, any progress is likely to be incremental and will hinge on whether the Party perceives marriage equality as contributing to its strategic objectives. Although Vietnamese queer couples have not yet enjoyed the same legal privileges as their Thai counterparts, such a future is no longer far-fetched. The ‘era of national rise’ provides local civil society with the political framework and economic logic to advance LGBTQ+ inclusion. By legalising same-sex marriage, Vietnam can solidify its reputation as a forward-looking nation — economically dynamic yet socially just.
By Huy Ha – Yusof Ishak Institute / Fulcrum.sg – July 29, 2025